Muslim Brotherhood Kills Its Own to Demonize Egyptian Military

by :

New evidence indicates that some of the pro-Morsi protesters reportedly killed by the Egyptian military, after the Muslim Brotherhood president’s ouster, were actually killed by fellow pro-Morsi protesters. They did this, according to the report, to frame the military, incite more Islamist violence and unrest, and garner sympathy from America, which has been extremely critical of the military, especially in the context of the post-Morsi violence.

The Arabic satellite program, Al Dalil,(“The Evidence”) recently showed the evidence, which consisted mostly of video recordings.

One video records events on July 8, during pro-Morsi protests in front of the Republican Guard building in Cairo, where Morsi was being held, and where the bloodshed between the military and Brotherhood began.  The video shows a young man with a shaven head and a Salafi-style beard approaching the Republican Guard barrier; he gets shot, collapses to the ground, and dies—as other protesters fly into a rage against the military.  As the video plays, it seems clear that the military shot him.

However, watching the video in slow motion and in zoom clearly indicates that someone from behind him, from the pro-Morsi throng, shot him.  The whole time he falls, in slow motion, he is still facing the Republican Guard.  Yet when the camera zooms in, the bullet wound and blood are visibly at the back of his head; his front, facing the military even after he falls, does not appear to have a scratch.  Considering that the military was facing him, it seems apparent that a fellow Morsi-supporter shot him from behind.

On the same day this man in the video and others were killed, Muhammad Mahsoub, a former Brotherhood member and politician tweeted the following: “The Brotherhood sacrifice their youth in the streets, even as the sons of their leaders are at the beach resorts… Allah curse the hypocrites [based on a Koran verse];” and “I repeatedly warned al-Baltagi against his plan to antagonize the military in order to implicate it an attack on the protesters, but he insists on his plan…”

Baltagi is a Brotherhood leader who has been especially vocal about “getting back” at the military; he apparently also enjoys close relations with the widely disliked U.S. ambassador to Egypt, Anne Patterson.

Read more

 

Violent MB Rhetoric Fuels Egyptian Tension

IPT News
July 10, 2013

 

Morsi Now Backed by Egypt’s US-Equipped Military?

egypt's republican guardBy Andrew Bostom:

The Washington Post has just published (12/7/12) a report highlighting how Egyptian President Morsi has cemented his relationship with Egypt’s US-equipped military—an ominous, if predictable development, given the steady, incremental re-Islamization of all institutions in Egypt, over decades.

Noting one apparent source of Morsi being “emboldened”—in addition to mass, popularSharia thirst” among Egyptian Muslims—the report comments,

…if Morsi appeared emboldened, it may have had less to do with his support from the Muslim Brotherhood than with his newfound friendship with Egypt’s vaunted, wealthy, U.S.-supplied military, which deployed tanks and armored trucks in defense of the presidential palace early Thursday.

Such a “pointed display” by the discrete military unit charged with protecting the palace, the Republican Guard,  occurred in the wake of violent clashes which left 7 people dead and over 700 wounded. Despite being a relatively minor demonstration of force by Egypt’s military — “seven tanks, 10 armored trucks and a few dozen soldiers who set out coils of barbed wire” — this action came in the aftermath of a meeting early Thursday (12/6/12) which included Morsi, his recently appointed, young and “openly Islamist” defense minister, Abdul Fatah Khalil al-Sisi,  and  Gen. Hamid Zaki, newly appointed head of the Republican Guard, “considered a Morsi loyalist.”

This symbolism, the Washington Post report argues, is a manifestation of the closer relationship forged between Morsi and the military,

…sealed for now by the draft constitution, which he is so insistently advocating and which enshrines the military’s vast powers and autonomy to an unprecedented degree.

Specifically, deferring to objections from the country’s military leadership, Egypt’s new draft Constitution removes the clear prohibition on trials of civilians before military courts. Thus Article 198 of the final draft, states, “Civilians may not be tried before the military justice system except for crimes that harm the armed forces, and this shall be defined by law”—leaving intact the military’s power to try civilians under the Code of Military Justice.

But as alarming as this Morsi-Egyptian military alliance may be, in theory, the US still has considerable leverage—as the major supplier of Egypt’s military hardware and re-supplier of its required parts—barring the continuation of our dangerous policies which, notwithstanding the movement’s popularity, have abetted the Muslim Brotherhood. Such a rational US policy volte face by the Obama administration—withholding economic, and certainly all military support to Morsi’s government—is very unlikely.   Late Thursday, in a phone conversation with Morsi, President Obama voiced “deep concern’’ about the deaths and injuries of protesters and said that “all political leaders in Egypt should make clear to their supporters that violence is unacceptable.”

Obama’s tepid words were hardly commensurate with the gravity of the jihadist threat posed by an emerging Morsi-Egyptian military alliance, nor our direct capability to blunt that imminent danger.